爱华网玛格丽特·撒切尔是位罕见的政治家：她愿意为自己坚信不疑的政策放弃民众支持率。只要认为是对的，她就去做。撒切尔夫人成功地在1979、1983和1987年连任首相，到她因内讧卸任时，共担任了11年半的英国首相，执政时间之长居20世纪英国历史之最。她最伟大的政治遗产已经由《华盛顿邮报》做了精彩总结：“撒切尔夫人不仅扭转了英国的发展方向，也改变了它在世界上的地位。”再过几天（4月8日）就是这位铁娘子逝世纪念日，贴上本人翻译的她的一篇重要演讲，以表达对这位杰出政治家的敬意。
——梦回濠梁Margaret Thatcher
“The Lady's Not For Turning”
玛格丽特·撒切尔
“本夫人决不回头”
delivered 10 October 1980, Conservative Party Conference,Brighton
1980年10月10日发表于布赖顿保守党全国代表大会
张少军 译、校
[AUTHENTICITYCERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly fromaudio]
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:
Most of my cabinet colleagues have started off their speeches ofreply by paying very well deserved tribute to their juniorministers. Now at number ten, I have no junior ministers -- there’sjust Denis [Thatcher] and me; but I couldn’t do without him. I am, however, veryfortunate in having a marvelous deputy who’s wonderful in allplaces at all times in all things: Willie Whitelaw.
主席先生、女士们、先生们：
我的多数内阁同事都已发表了答谢演讲，给他们的副大臣以他们应得的热情洋溢的赞扬。现在我排在第十名（演讲），我没有副大臣，只有丹尼斯和我，我不能没有他；然而幸运的是，我有位杰出的副手——威利·怀特洛，无论何时何地何事，他都是最棒的。
At our Party conference last year I said that the task on which thegovernment was engaged -- to change the national attitude of mind-- was the most challenging to face any British Administrationsince the war. Now, challenge is exhilarating and this week weConservatives have been taking stock, discussing the achievements,the setbacks, the work that lies ahead, as we enter our secondparliamentary year. As you said, Mr. Chairman, our debates havebeen stimulating and our criticism's been constructive. This weekhas demonstrated that we are a Party united in purpose, strategy,and resolve. And we actually like one another.
在去年我们党的会议上我说过，这届政府正在致力完成的任务——改变我们国民的观念——是战后历届英国政府面临的最大挑战。现在，挑战变得相对愉快。这一周，我们保守党人正在大盘点——在进入我们的第二个议会年度时，回顾我们的成就、挫折，展望我们面临的工作。正如你所说的那样，主席先生，我们的争论充满着激情，我们的批评富于建设性。这一周的工作证明。我们是一个由共同的目标、战略与决心团结起来的党。并且事实上，我们彼此欣赏。
When I’m asked for a detailed forecast of what will happen in thecoming months or years, I remember Sam Goldwyn’s advice: "Neverprophesy, especially about the future." Nevertheless --Nevertheless --
[Protester interrupts Thatcher from the House floor...."Power tothe workers...Tories out...."]
当我被要求对未来几个月或几年内将会发生什么作出详细预测时，我总想起山姆·戈德温的建议：“决不预测，尤其是关于未来。”然而……然而……
[抗议者从议员席上打断了撒切尔夫人……“权力归于劳工！……托利党滚蛋！”]
Never mind -- it’s wet outside. I expect they wanted to come in. Wecan’t blame them; it’s always better where the Tories are. And you -- and perhaps they -- will be looking to me thisafternoon for an indication of how the government sees the taskbefore us and why we’re tackling it the way we are.
别在意——外面在下雨。我想他们要进来，我们不能责怪他们，有托利党人（即保守党人）在的地方总要好点儿。你们——可能还包括他们——今天下午将盯住我，看看关于政府是怎样看待它面临的任务，以及为完成任务，我们为何采取了这样的路线，我会给出什么指示。
Before I begin let me get one point out of the way. This week atBrighton we’ve heard a good deal about last week at Blackpool. I’llhave a little more to say about that strange assembly later. Butfor the moment I want to say just this: Because of what happened atthat conference there has been behind all our deliberations thisweek a heightened awareness that now, more than ever, ourConservative government must succeed. We just must -- becausethere’s even more at stake than some had realized. There are manythings to be done to set this nation on the road to recovery, and Idon’t mean economic recovery alone, but a new independence ofspirit and a zest for achievement.
在开始前，让我先插说一个要点。这一周在布赖顿，我们都听说了上周在黑泽有一个好的交易——关于那个奇怪的会议，我稍后还想多说几句，但眼下我只想说，在那个会议上发生的事情支持并增强了我们本周深思熟虑后形成的一个意识——我们保守党政府必须成功，现在比过去更为迫切。正是“必须”，因为形势比一些人已经认识到的更危险。要让这个国家走上复苏的道路还有许多事情要做——我不光指经济复苏，也指新的独立精神与建功立业热情的复苏。
It’ssometimes said that because of our past we, as a people, expect toomuch and set our sights too high. Mr. Chairman, that’s not the wayI see it. Rather it seems to me that throughout my life in politicsour ambitions have steadily shrunk; and our response todisappointment hasn’t been to lengthen our stride but to shortenthe distance to be covered. But with confidence in ourselves and inour future what a nation we could be.
时时有人说起，说是因为我们（辉煌）的过去，作为一个民族，我们往往期望太多，我们往往眼界太高。我却不这么看，主席先生。在我看来，贯穿我政治生涯始终的，是我们雄心的持续萎缩——我们对挫折的反应，不是加大而是缩小我们前进的步伐，不是增强而是削弱我们对自己对未来对国家可能发展的信心。
In the first seventeen months this government has laid thefoundations for recovery. We’ve undertaken a heavy load oflegislation, a load we don’t intend to repeat because we don’tshare the socialist fantasy that achievement is measured by thenumber of laws you pass. But you know there was a formidablebarricade of obstacles which we had to sweep aside; and for astart, in his first budget, Geoffrey Howe began to restore incentives to stimulate the abilities andinventive genius of our people. Prosperity comes not from grandconferences of economists but by countless acts of personal selfconfidence and self-reliance.
在最初的十七个月里，我们为复苏奠定了基础。我们承担了繁重的立法任务，我不打算复述这个重担，因为我们不赞同社会党人的梦呓，他们认为立法的成就可用你通过法案的数量来衡量。但是你们知道，有多少艰难的障碍需要排除；而在一开头，在他的第一个预算案里，杰弗里·豪就重建了保护我们人民的创造天才与能力的激励机制。繁荣不是来自经济学家的盛大会议，繁荣只能来自无数自信自强的人们的行动。
Also, under Geoffrey’s leadership Britain has repaid three thousandsix hundred million dollars of international debt, debt which hadbeen run up by our predecessors -- and we paid quite a lot of ifbefore it was due. In the last twelve months Geoffrey has abolishedexchange controls over which British governments have dithered fordecades. Our great enterprises are now free to seek opportunitiesoverseas, and this well help to secure our living standards longafter North Sea oil has run out. This government thinks about thefuture. As you know we’ve made the first crucial changes in tradeunion law to remove the worst abuses of the closed shop, torestrict picketing to the place of work of the parties in dispute,and to encourage secret ballots.
也是在杰弗里的领导下，英国偿还了36亿美元的国际债务——那由我们的前任积累下来的债务，我们甚至偿还了许多还未到期的债务。在最近的十二个月，杰弗里废止了外汇管制；而在这个问题上，英国政府一直战战兢兢，几十年不敢越雷池一步。我们伟大的企业现在可以自由地在海外寻找机会，这将很好地帮助我们，在北海的石油用完后，保证我们的生活水平。本届政府考虑的是国家的未来。正如你们知道的，我们对《工会法》作了第一个至关重要的修改，去除了只招工会会员的企业条款，禁止在工作地点外、在有争议的会场外设置工会纠察队，并且（在工会会议中）鼓励无记名投票。
Jim Prior has carried all these measures through with the supportof the vast majority of trade union members. Keith Joseph, DavidHowell, John Nott, and Norman Fowler have begun to break down themonopoly powers of nationalization. Thanks to them, BritishAerospace will soon be open to private investment. The monopoly ofthe Post Office and British Telecommunications is being diminished.The -- The barriers to private generation of electricity for salehave been lifted; for the first time nationalized industries andpublic utilities can be investigated by the Monopolies Commission-- a long overdue reform.
吉姆·普赖尔正是带着这些举措赢得了绝大多数工会成员的支持。基思·约瑟夫、大卫·豪威尔、约翰·诺特和诺曼·福勒已经开始打破国有化的垄断力量。由于他们，英国的太空即将向私人投资开放，邮电与英国电讯的垄断程度正在降低。私人发电售电的障碍已经取消，国有企业和公用事业将史无前例地接受“垄断委员会”的调查——一项迟到太久的改革。
Free competition and road passenger transport promises travelers abetter deal. Michael Heseltine has given to millions -- yes, millions -- of council tenants aright to buy their own homes.
完全的竞争让公路旅客运输部门承诺给乘客更好的服务。迈克尔·赫塞廷已经给予数百万——是的，数百万——公屋房客以权利，让他们购买自住的房屋。
It was Anthony Eden who chose for us the goal of a property owningdemocracy. But for all the time that I’ve been in public affairsthat has been beyond the reach of so many who were denied the rightto the most basic ownership of all -- the homes in which they live.They wanted to buy.Many of them could afford tobuy. But they happened to live under the jurisdiction of aSocialist council which would not sell and did not believe in theindependence that comes with ownership. Now Michael Heseltine hasgiven them a chance to turn a dream into reality; and all this, Mr.Chairman -- and a lot more -- in seventeen months. The Leftcontinues to refer with relish to the death of Capitalism. Well ifthis is the death of Capitalism I must say it’s quite a way togo.
是安东尼·伊登为我们选择了“房产拥有民主”的目标。但在我的政治生涯中，它对如此多的被拒绝了一切最基本的所有权的人们来说，却始终遥不可及——自己住的房子，想要买下它，许多人也买得起；但他们碰巧生活在社会党委员会的管辖之下，委员会不卖房，也不相信由房产私有而来的独立自主。现在迈克尔·赫塞廷给了他们机会，让他们美梦成真。所有这些，以及更多，主席先生，都发生在（保守党执政的）十七个月内。左派们还在津津有味地侈谈资本主义的死亡。哈，如果这就是所谓“资本主义的死亡”，我要说，这倒真是值得一试的道路。
But Mr. Chairman all this will avail as little unless we achieveour prime economic objective: the defeat of inflation. Inflationdestroys nations and societies as surely as invading armies do.It’s the parent of unemployment and it’s the unseen robber of thosewho’ve saved. No policy which puts at risk the defeat of inflation,however great its short term attraction, can be right. But Mr.Chairman our policy for the defeat of inflation is in facttraditional. It existed long before Sterling M3 embellished theBank of England Quarterly Bulletin or monetarism became aconvenient term of political invective.
然而，主席先生，所有这些都效用有限，除非我们能实现我们的首要经济目标——战胜通货膨胀。像入侵的大军一样，通货膨胀摧残国家、破坏社会，它催生失业、让储蓄者无形中被抢劫。任何危及克服通货膨胀的政策，不管它短期吸引力多大，都不可能是正确的。然而主席先生，我们抑制通货膨胀的政策实际上是老办法，它早在英镑M3美化英国银行的季报或货币政策成为方便的政治攻讦术语之前便存在了。
But you know some people talk as if control of the money supply wasa revolutionary policy. Yet it was an essential condition for therecovery of much of continental Europe. Those countries knew whatwas required for economic stability because previously they’d livedthrough rampant inflation. They knew it led to suitcase money, themassive unemployment, indeed to the breakdown of society itself.They determined never to go that way again. And today, after manyyears of monetary self-discipline, they have stable, prosperouseconomies better able than ours to withstand the buffeting of worldrecession.
而你们知道，一些人谈起货币供应量的控制来就仿佛那是一项革命性的政策，尽管对欧洲大陆多数国家而言它是经济复苏的必备条件。他们知道什么是经济稳定所必须的，因为此前他们经历过失控的通货膨胀。他们知道它将导致货币贬值、大规模失业，甚至导致社会本身的崩溃。他们决心不再重蹈覆辙。而今天，在多年的金融自律后，他们拥有了稳定、繁荣的经济，比我们更能承受世界经济衰退冲击。
So at international conferences to discuss economic affairs, manyof my fellow heads of government find our policies not strange,unusual, or revolutionary; but normal, sound, and honest; andthat’s what they are.Their only question to me isthis: "Has Britain the courage and resolve to sustain thediscipline for long enough to break through to success?"
所以，在国际会议上讨论经济事务，许多国家的政府首脑都发现，我们的政策并不奇怪、独特或具有革命性；而是正常、合理、实事求是——它们正是这样。他们对我提出的唯一的问题就是：不列颠可有这种勇气与决心，长期维持它的财经纪律，直到杀出一条血路，获得成功？
Yes, Mr. Chairman, we have and we shall. This government isdetermined to stay with the policy and see it through to itsconclusion and that -- and that is what marks this Administrationas one of the truly radical ministries of post-war Britain.Inflation is falling and should continue to fall.
是的，主席先生，我们有，而且应该有。本届政府决心坚持这项政策，直至达成目标；而正是这一点，使得本届政府成了战后不列颠真正激进的政府之一。通货膨胀正在降低并将继续降低。
Meanwhile, Mr. Chairman, we’re not heedless of the hardships andworries that accompany the conquest of inflation -- and foremostamong these is unemployment. Today, our country has more than twomillion unemployed.
与此同时，主席先生，我们也关注因遏制通货膨胀而带来的困难与焦虑，其中最重要的便是失业。目前，我们国家失业者超过两百万人。
Now you can try to soften that figure a dozen ways. You can pointout -- and it’s quite legitimate to do so -- that two million todaydoesn’t mean what it meant in the ‘30s; that the percentage ofunemployment is much less now that it was then. You can add thattoday many more married women go out to work. You can stress thatbecause of the high birthrate in the early 1960s there is anunusually large number of school leavers this year looking for workand that the same will be true for the next two years. You canemphasize that about a quarter of a million people find new jobseach month and therefore go off the employment register.
当然，有许多方法可用来使这个数字变得不那么难看。你可以相当合理地指出，今天的两百万决不能与三十年代相提并论——同样两百万，今天的失业率会远远低于那个时代；你可以补充说明，今天有更多的已婚妇女出去工作；你可以强调，因为六十年代早期的高出生率，今年毕业离开学校寻找工作的人数将是一个异乎寻常的庞大数字，在接下来的两年里，情况也将一样；你可以指出，每月有大约二十五万人找到工作，因而从失业登记册上除名。
And you can recall that there are now nearly twenty-five millionpeople in jobs compared with only about eighteen million in the1930s. You can point out that the Labour Party convenientlyoverlooks the fact that of the two million unemployed for whichthey blame us nearly a million and a half were bequeathed by theirgovernment.
并且，你可以提醒人们，今天参加工作的人已将近两千五百万，而比较起来，三十年代则只有一千八百万；你还可以指出，工党实用主义地忽略了一个事实——他们用来指责我们的二百万失业者中有将近一百五十万乃是工党政府的遗赠。
And when all that’s been said the fact remains that the level ofunemployment in our country today is a human tragedy. Let me makeit clear beyond doubt: I’m profoundly concerned about unemployment.Human dignity and self-respect are undermined when men and womenare condemned to idleness. The waste of a country’s most preciousasset -- the talent and energy of its people -- makes it thebounden duty of government to seek a real and lastingcure.
而当你强调完上述所有理由之后，依然不能改变这样一个事实，今天我们国家的失业水平的确是一个人道悲剧。让我说清楚，无庸置疑地，我深深地关注着失业状况。当人们被告知失去工作，他们做人的高贵与自尊将被侵蚀被摧毁。国家最宝贵的资产——它的人民的天才与活力——的浪费，使得寻找真正持久的救治之道，成了政府义不容辞的责任。
If I could press a button and genuinely solve the unemploymentproblem do you think that I would not press that button thisinstant? Does anyone imagine that there is the smallest politicalgain in letting this level of unemployment continue? Or that thereis some obscure economic religion which demands this level ofunemployment as part of its grizzly ritual?
如果揿一个按纽就能真正解决失业问题，难道你们认为我不会立即去揿它？有谁能够想象，让这种水平的失业状况继续，会获得哪怕最小的政治利益；或者，有某些阴暗的经济信条，它要求这种水平的失业状况，作为它灰色仪式的一部分？
Mr. Chairman, this government is pursuing the only policy whichgives any hope of bringing our people back to real and lastingemployment. Indeed it’s no coincidence that those countries ofwhich I spoke earlier, which have had lower rates of inflation,have also had lower levels of unemployment.
主席先生，本届政府执行的，是唯一能够给我们的人民以全部希望，让他们重获真正而持久之工作的政策。在那些我早先谈到的国家里，它们有较低的通货膨胀率，也有较低的失业水平，这绝非偶然的巧合。
Now I know, Mr. Chairman, that there’s another real worry affectingmany of our people. Although they accept that our policies areright, they feel deeply that the burden of carrying them out isfalling much more heavily on the private than on the public sector.They say that the public sector is enjoying the advantages but theprivate sector’s taking the knocks; and at the same timemaintaining those in the public sector on better pay and pensionsthan they themselves enjoy.
现在我明白，主席先生，有另一种真实的担忧影响着我们许多人。尽管他们承认我们的政策对头，但他们却深深地意识到，执行这些政策的负担会更多地落在私营部门而非公共部门的身上。他们会说，公共部门得到利益，私营部门却饱受打击；与此同时还得供养公共部门，让公共部门的人享受比他们自己更高的工资与退休金。
I must tell you that I share this concern and understand theresentment; and that is why I and my colleagues say that to add topublic spending takes away the very money and resources thatindustry needs to stay in business, let alone to expand; thathigher public spending, far from curing unemployment, can be thevery vehicle that loses jobs and causes bankruptcies in trade andcommerce. That’s why we warned local authorities that since ratesare frequently the biggest tax that industry now pays, increases inthem can cripple local businesses. Council’s must therefore learnto cut costs in the same way that companies have to.
我要告诉你们，我和你们有同样的关切，我理解你们的怨恨。这正是为什么，我和我的同事们会说，增加公共开支，就是拿走本应留在企业，企业自主发展所必需的经费与资源；更高的公共开支，非但不能治愈失业的病症，却正是造成失业与企业破产的祸根。这也正是为什么，我们会警告地方政府，既然现在企业往往承担了最大的税负，再增加便会削弱当地的工商业。因此，政府要学着像公司不得不降低成本一样，削减他们的开支。
And that’s why I stress that if those who work in publicauthorities take for themselves large pay increases, they leaveless to be spent on equipment and new buildings. And that in turndeprives the private sector of the orders it needs, especially someof those industries in the hard pressed regions. So those in thepublic sector have a duty to those in the private sector not totake out so much in pay that they cause other’s unemployment. Andthat’s why we point out that every time high-wage settlements innationalized monopolies lead to higher charges for telephones,electricity, coal, and water. They can drive companies out ofbusiness and cost other people their jobs.
这就是为什么我要强调，如果那些在政府工作的人用大量的钱为自己增加工资，只留下少量的钱用于添置设备与基本建设，作为结果那就必然会剥夺私营企业——尤其是那些处于竞争压力巨大领域的企业——所需要的订单。因而不拿太高的工资，不拿将导致另一些人失业的高工资，就成了服务于公共部门的人们对于在私营部门工作的人们的一种义务。这也就是为什么我们要指出，每一次国有垄断企业作出高工资安排时，都必然导致电话、电、煤、水价格的高涨，它将迫使公司退出竞争，人们失去工作。
If spending money like water was the answer to our country’sproblems, we would have no problems now. Because if ever a nationhas spent, spent, spent, and spent again -- ours has. And todaythat dream is over. All that money has got us nowhere, but it stillhas to come from somewhere. And those who urge us to relax thesqueeze, to spend yet more money indiscriminately in the beliefthat it will help the unemployed and the small business man,they’re not being kind or compassionate or caring; they’re not thefriends of the unemployed or the small business; they are asking usto do again the very thing that caused the problems in the firstplace.
倘若“花钱如流水”就能解决我们国家的难题，那么我们目前理应全无问题。因为，如果有某个国家曾经花钱，花钱，不断地花钱，像我们以往那样；那么现在它应该从梦中醒来了。所有那些钱并没有使我们取得任何进展，而那些钱又不会自己从天上掉下来。那些敦促我们放松管制，不加选择地花更多的钱的人们——他们相信这将帮助那些失业者与小企业主——其实他们并不仁慈、怜悯、更富于同情心，他们并非失业者与小企业主的朋友，他们要求我们做的，正是当初使我们陷入困难泥潭的同样的事情。
Now we’ve made these points repeatedly. Indeed, Mr. Chairman, I amaccused of lecturing or preaching about them. I suppose it’s thecritic’s way of saying: "Well we know it’s true but we’ve got tocarp at something." I don’t care about that, but I do care aboutthe future of free enterprise: the jobs and exports it provides andthe independence it brings to our people. Independence? Yes, butlet us be clear what we mean by that. Independence doesn’t meancontracting out of all relationships with others. A nation can befree but it won’t stay free for long if it has no friends and noalliances. Above all, it won’t stay free if it can’t pay its ownway in the world. And by the same token an individual needs to bepart of a community and to feel that he is part of it. There’s moreto this than the chance to earn a living for himself and his family--essential though that is.
我们已反复强调上述观点。的确，主席先生，因为宣讲、鼓吹上述观点，我已饱受诘难。我猜想批评者的逻辑是这样的：“好吧，我们知道这是真的，但我们必须挑点毛病。”我不关心批评者的逻辑，我关心的是自由企业的未来——它提供工作与出口商品，它让我们的人民独立自主。独立自主？不错，但是让我们弄清楚，什么是我们心目中的“独立自主”。“独立自主”并不意味着摒弃一切外在的联系。一个国家如果没有朋友没有结盟它也许可以自主但决不能独立长久。最重要的是，一个国家如果不能以自己的方式对世界有所贡献，它便不能独立自主。同理，个人需要成为社会的一部分并深深地意识到这一点——这，比仅仅赢得个人与他家庭的生存机会，意义更大也更本质。
Of course our vision and our aims go far beyond the complexarguments of economics, but unless we get the economy right weshall deny our people the opportunity to share that vision and tosee beyond the narrow horizons of economic necessity. Without ahealthy economy we can’t have a healthy society and without ahealthy society the economy won’t stay healthy for long.
当然，我们的愿景与目标将远远超越关于经济的复杂争论；然而如果我们不搞好经济，我们的人民便不能跳出经济需要的狭窄范围，与我们享有共同的愿景。没有健康的经济便没有健康的社会；而没有一个健康的社会，经济也不能长期保持健康。
Mr. Chairman, but it isn’t the State that creates a healthysociety. For when the State grows too powerful, people feel thatthey count for less and less. The State drains society not only ofits wealth but of initiative, of energy, the will to improve andinnovate, as well as to preserve what is best. But our aim is tolet people feel that they count for more and more. If we can’ttrust the deepest instincts of our people, we shouldn’t be inpolitics at all.
主席先生，一个健全的社会并不是政府创造的。当政府变得过于强大时，人民会变得越来越卑微。政府耗尽的不光是社会的财富，它的进取心与活力；还有改良与创新的意愿，保持优良传统的意愿。而我们的目标是让人民觉得自己越来越重要。如果我们不能信任我们人民最深的本能，我们就根本不应该来玩政治。
And Mr. Chairman, some aspects of our present society really dooffend those instincts. Decent people do want to do a proper job atwork; not to be restrained or intimidated from giving value formoney. They believe that honesty should be respected not derided.They see crime and violence as a threat not just to society but totheir own orderly way of life. They want to be allowed to bring uptheir children in these beliefs without the fear that their effortswill be daily frustrated in the name of "progress" or "freeexpression." Indeed, that's what family life is allabout.
并且，主席先生，我们社会目前的某些方面实在违背了那些本能。正派的人们在工作中要有适当的职位，而不是受限制被胁迫为金钱牺牲价值。他们相信诚实应当受到尊重而不是嘲弄。他们把犯罪与暴力看成不仅是对社会也是对他们自身和平生活的威胁。他们希望被允许用这些信念来教育自己的孩子，而不用担心这些努力会在“发展”与“言论自由”的名义下日复一日地遭受挫败。的确，那正是家庭生活的全部意义所在。
There isn’t a generation gap in a happy and united family. Peopleyearn to be able to rely on some generally accepted standards.Without them, you haven’t got a society at all; you havepurposeless anarchy. And a healthy society isn’t created by itsinstitutions either. Great schools and universities don’t make agreat nation any more than great armies do, because only a greatnation can create and involve great institutions of learning -- ofhealing, of scientific advance; and a great nation is the voluntarycreation of its people, a people composed of men and women whosepride in themselves is founded on the knowledge of what they cangive to a community of which they in turn can be proud. If ourpeople feel that they are part of a great nation and they’reprepared to will the means to keep it great, then a great nation weshall be and shall remain.
在一个幸福、团结的家庭里不存在所谓代沟。人们渴望能依赖某些公认的标准，没有这些，你就根本不能指望有所谓社会，而只有全无目标的无政府状态。一个健全的社会也不是由某个公共机构创造的。在塑造一个伟大的国家方面，那些著名的中小学、大学并不比一支伟大的军队贡献更多。因为只有一个伟大的国家才能创造并容纳伟大的学术、医疗和科学促进机构，一个伟大的国家只能是人民的自发创造。一个由男女公民组成的人民，他们因意识到自己为国家这一共同体所做的贡献而自豪，并进而为国家而感到骄傲。如果我们的人民感觉自己是这一伟大国家的一分子，并且时刻准备用一切手段来保持它的伟大，那么我们就将是一个伟大的国家并将永葆它的伟大。
So Mr. Chairman, what could stop us from achieving this? What thenstands in our way? The prospect of another winter of discontent? Isuppose it might.
所以我要问，主席先生，什么东西能够挡我们达到这一目标？有什么东西挡在我们前进的路上？另一个不满的冬季将要来临？我想，也许吧。
But I prefer to believe that certain lessons have been learned fromexperience, that we are coming slowly, painfully to an autumn ofunderstanding. And I hope it will be followed by a winter of commonsense. If it isn’t we shall not be diverted from ourcourse.
然而我宁愿相信，从过去的经历中某些教训已经被汲取，我们正在缓慢而痛苦地走向理解的秋天，我希望随之而来的是一个普及常识的冬天。如果不是这样，我们也不应偏离我们的既定路线。
To those waiting with baited breath for that favorite mediacatchphrase the "U-turn," I have only one thing to say: You turn ifyou want to: The Lady’s not for turning. And I say that not only toyou but to our friends overseas as well, and also to those who arenot our friends.
对那些带着热切的喘息期待出现他们喜欢的媒体广告语所标榜的“U型反转”的人们，我只有一句话可说：“要转你们自己转，本夫人决不回头。”这话我不仅告诉你们，也告诉我们海外的朋友，以及那些并非我们朋友的人们。
In foreign affairs we’ve pursued our national interest robustlywhile remaining alive to the needs and interests of others. We haveacted where our predecessors dithered. And here may I pay tributeto Lord Carrington.When I think of our much-traveled foreign secretary I am remindedof the advertisement -- You know the one I mean -- about "the peerthat refreshes those foreign parts that other peers can’treach."
在外交事务中，我们在持续关注别国需求与利益的同时，坚定不移地追求我们的国家利益。我们已经在我们的前任吓得发抖领域采取行动。在这里，请允许我向卡灵顿勋爵（时任英国外交大臣）致敬。每当想起我们这位频繁出访的外交部长，我就想起那个广告——你们知道我说的是哪个——所谓“这个部长令外交部精神抖擞，让其他部长望尘莫及。”
It seems I got that right. Long before we came into office, andtherefore long before the invasion of Afghanistan, I was pointingto the threat from the East. I was accused of scare-mongering butevents have more than enough justified my words.
看来我是对的。早在我们执掌政府以前，因而也早在（苏联）入侵阿富汗之前，我就不停地指出来自东方的威胁。我曾被攻击为谣言传播者，然而事实证明我十二分地正确。
Soviet Marxism is ideologically, politically, and morally bankrupt.But militarily the Soviet Union is a powerful and growing threat.Yet it was Mr. Kosygin who said "No peace loving country, no personof integrity should remain indifferent when an aggressor holdshuman life and world opinion in insolent contempt." We agree. TheBritish government is not indifferent to the occupation ofAfghanistan. We will not allow it to be forgotten. For unless anduntil the Soviet troops are withdrawn, other nations are bound towonder which of them may be next.
苏维埃马克思主义在意识形态上、政治上以及道德上已经破产，然而在军事上，苏联依然是一个强大的日益增长的威胁。但正是柯西金先生（1964年10月取代赫鲁晓夫任部长会议主席，成为苏联政府的实际首脑）说过这样的话：“当侵略者控制了人们的生活，当世界人民的主张被傲慢地轻视，没有一个爱好和平的国家，没有一个正直的人能够对之漠不关心。”我们同意，英国政府对阿富汗的被占领就不能漠不关心。我们不能让它被遗忘，因为直到苏联军队撤出阿富汗，其他国家都不能不问：谁是下一个（阿富汗）？
Of course there are those who say that by speaking out we arecomplicating East-West relations, that we are endangeringdetente.But the real danger would lie in keeping silent. Detente isindivisible and it is a two-way process. The Soviet Union can’tconduct wars by proxy in South-East Asia and in Africa, fomenttrouble in the Middle East and the Caribbean, invade neighboringcountries and still expect to conduct business as usual. Unlessdetente is pursued by both sides, it can be pursued by neither --and it’s a delusion to suppose otherwise.
当然，有人会说，我们这样大声嚷嚷会使东西方关系复杂化，并且危及世界局势的缓和。然而真正的危险却正在于保持沉默。缓和是一个不可分割，双向互动的过程。苏联不能一边在东南亚在非洲发动代理人战争，在中东和加勒比海地区煽动骚乱，侵略邻近的国家，一边仍然期望买卖照常。除非缓和是双方的追求，否则，缓和便只是假想的幻象，不值得任何人追求。
And that’s the message that we shall be delivering loud and clearat the meetings of the European Security Conference in Madrid inthe weeks immediately ahead. But we shall also be reminding theother participants in Madrid that the Helsinki Accord was supposed to promote the freer movement of people and ideas. TheSoviet government’s response so far has been a campaign ofrepression worse than any since Stalin’s day. It had been hopedthat Helsinki would open gates across Europe. In fact, the guardstoday are better armed and the walls are no lower.
在几周后就要在马德里召开的欧洲安全会议上，我们应该响亮而清楚地传递出上述信息。我们还应该在马德里提醒其他与会者，赫尔辛基协定曾被期望能对人民与思想的自由运动带来某种促进，但迄今为止，苏联政府的反应却是发动了一轮自斯大林时代以来最恶劣的镇压运动。我们曾希望赫尔辛基能打开通往欧洲的大门；而事实上，边境的警卫武装得更好，禁锢的高墙也并未变得稍低。
But behind those walls the human spirit is unvanquished. And theworkers of Poland in their millions have signaled theirdetermination to participate in the shaping of their destiny. Wesalute them. Marxists claim that the Capitalist system is incrisis. The Polish workers have shown that it’s the Communistsystem that is in crisis. But the Polish people should be left towork out their own future without external interference.
但是，在那些高墙后面，人民的精神是不可征服的。数百万波兰工人显示了他们参与进来，重塑自己命运的决心。我们向他们致敬。马克思主义者曾声称，资本主义制度处于危机之中；而波兰的工人们却显示，是共产主义制度处于危机之中。波兰人民应该被允许在没有外部干涉的情况下，决定他们自己的未来。
Mr. Chairman, at every Party Conference and every November inParliament, we used to face difficult decisions over Rhodesia andover sanctions -- but no longer. Since we last met, the success atLancaster House and thereafter in Salisbury -- a success won in theface of all the odds, a success that has created new respect forBritain -- has given fresh hope to those grappling with theterrible problems of Southern Africa; has given the Commonwealthnew strength and unity. And now it’s for the new nation, Zimbabwe,to build her own future with the support of all those who believethat democracy has a place in Africa -- and we wish herwell.
主席先生，每次党的会议，每年十一月的议会，我们都要面临在罗得西亚（津巴布韦的旧称）和是否制裁等问题上的困难抉择。然而，自从我们上次聚会，自从在兰开斯特宫以及其后在索尔兹伯里（津巴布韦的首都）取得胜利后，这种局面一去不复返了。这胜利是在面对所有可能的情况下取得的，它为英国赢得了尊敬，它给痼疾缠身的南部非洲各国送去了新的希望，它增强了国家的力量与团结。而现在，则是一个新生的国家——津巴布韦，在所有坚信民主政治在非洲应该有一席之地的人们的支持下，正在建设她自己的未来。让我们祝愿她一路走好。
We showed over Rhodesia that the whole marks of Tory policy are, asthey always have been, realism and resolve. Not for us thedisastrous fantasies of unilateral disarmament, of withdrawal fromNATO, of abandoning Northern Ireland. The irresponsibility of theLeft on defense increases as the dangers which we face loom larger.And we, for our part under Francis Pym's brilliant leadership, have chosen a defense policy which potentialfoes will respect.
在罗得西亚问题上我们显示出保守党人政策的全部特征，便是始终不渝的现实主义与坚定的决心。我们绝不会有诸如单方面裁军、退出北约、放弃北爱尔兰等可悲的幻想；我们也不会像左派那样，当面临的危险隐然增大时却在增加国防开支方面取不负责任的态度。而在我们看来，我们在弗朗西斯·皮姆（FrancisLeslie Pym时任英国国防大臣）的杰出领导下，已经选择了一种让我们的潜在敌手也会保持敬畏的防务政策。
We're -- We are requiring, with the cooperation of the UnitedStates government, the Trident missile system. This will ensure the credibility of our strategic deterrentuntil the end of the century and beyond. And it was very importantfor the reputation of Britain abroad that we should keep ourindependent nuclear deterrent as well for our citizenshere.
我们正，我们正在获得——借助美国政府的协助——三叉戟导弹系统，这将保证我们战略威慑力量的可靠性——从现在起直到本世纪末下世纪初。我们将保持独立的战略核威慑力量，这对维护英国在海外以及在我们公民心目中的声誉极为重要。
We’ve agreed to the stationing of Cruise missiles in this country. The unilateralists object, but the recentwillingness of the Soviet government to open a new round of armscontrol negotiations shows in fact the wisdom of our firmness. Weintend to maintain and, where possible, to improve our conventionalforces so as to pull our weight in the alliance. We’ve no wish toseek a free ride at the expense of our allies; we’ll play our fullpart. In Europe we’ve shown that it is possible to combine avigorous defense of our own interests with a deep commitment to theidea and to the ideals of the Community.
我们承诺在国内配置巡航导弹。单方面裁军论者对此表示反对，然而最近，苏联政府开启新一轮军备控制谈判的积极意愿却表明，我们的坚持是明智的。我们将维持这一承诺；而且在可能的情况下，改进我们的常规力量以增加我们在联盟中的分量。在防务费用上我们不希望揩盟国的油搭顺风车，我们将全额支付我们应当承担的费用。在欧洲，我们已经表明，有了对这一信念以及对欧洲共同体理想的坚定承诺，我们完全有可能组建一支保护我们自身利益的强大的防务力量。
Mr. Chairman, the last government was well aware that Britain’sbudget contribution was grossly unfair. They failed to do anythingabout it. We negotiated a satisfactory arrangement which will giveus and our partners time to tackle the underlying issues. We’veresolved the difficulties of New Zealand’s land trade with theCommunity in a way which protects the interests of the farmers inNew Zealand while giving our own farmers and our own housewives anexcellent deal -- and Peter Walker deserves to be congratulated onhis success. Now he’s two-thirds on his way to success in makingimportant progress towards agreement on a common fisheries policy.That’s very important to our people too. There are many, many apeople whose livelihoods depend on it.
主席先生，上届政府很清楚英国预算的税赋极不公平，却对此无所作为。我们已经谈成了一个满意的协议，它将给我们和我们的伙伴以时间去处理那些潜在的问题。我们已经解决了新西兰与共同体在大陆贸易方面的困难，在某种程度上，既照顾了新西兰农民的利益，以给了我们的农民和家庭主妇一个极好的交易——彼得·沃克理应为他的成功得到祝贺。目前，他已经为达成一项共同的渔业协议而实现重要突破方面取得了三分之二的成功。那个协议对我们的人民也很重要，它关系着许许多多人的生计。
Now we face many other problems in the Community, but I’m confidentthat they too will yield to the firm yet fair approach which hasalready proved so much more effective than the previousgovernment’s five years of procrastination.
眼下我们还面临着社会中许多其他的难题，然而我确信，这些难题也会在我们坚定而直接的处理中迎刃而解。实践证明，这办法比上届政府五年的拖延推诿要有效得多。
With each day it becomes clearer that in the wider world we facedarkening horizons, and the war between Iran and Iraq is the latestsymptom of a deeper malady. Europe and North America are centers ofstability in an increasingly anxious world. The Community and theAlliance are the guarantee to other countries that democracy andfreedom of choice are still possible. They stand for order and therule of law in an age when disorder and lawlessness are ever morewidespread.
随着时日的流逝，我们更清楚的意识到，茫茫人世中，我们面对着黯谈的未来，而伊朗与伊拉克的战争正是这世界痼疾最新的病象。在这个日益让人忧虑的世界上，欧洲与北美成了稳定的中心。欧共体与我们的联盟为其他国家提供了一项保证——民主与自由依然是可能的选择。在一个混乱与无法无天更为普遍的时代，他们代表了秩序与法治。
The British government intends to stand by both these greatinstitutions: the Community and NATO. We will not betray them. Therestoration of Britain’s place in the world and of the West'sconfidence in its own destiny are two aspects of the same process.No doubt they’ll be unexpected twists in the road, but with wisdomand resolution we can reach our goal. I believe we’ll show thewisdom and you may be certain that we’ll show theresolution.
英国政府愿意支持两大组织：欧洲共同体与北大西详公约组织，我们不会背弃它们。重建英国在世界的地位与重塑西方对自身命运的信心是同一进程的两个方面。毫无疑问，前进的路上会有难以预料的曲折与坎坷；然而凭借着智慧与决心我们能够实现我们的目标。我相信我们将显示出智慧，你们可以确信我们将展示决心。
Mr. Chairman, in his warm-hearted and generous speech,Peter Thorneycroft said that when people are called upon to lead great nations theymust look into the hearts and minds of the people whom they seek togovern. I would add that those who seek to govern must in turn bewilling to allow their hearts and minds to lie open to thepeople.
主席先生，在他热情慷慨的演讲中，彼得·桑尼克罗夫特（英国政治家，曾任财政大臣）曾经说过，那些被召唤来领导一个伟大国家的人们，必须洞察他们企图领导的人民的头脑与心灵。我要再加上一句——作为交换，那些寻求统治权的人们必须愿意与他的人民肝胆相照。
This afternoon I’ve tried to set before you some of my most deeplyheld convictions and beliefs. This Party which I am privileged toserve and this government which I am proud to lead are engaged inthe massive task of restoring confidence and stability to ourpeople.
今天下午，我已尝试着把自己深深抱持的理念与信仰袒露在你们面前。我荣幸地领导的这个党与我骄傲地领导的本届政府，正致力于一个艰巨的任务——为我们的人民重建信心与稳定。
I’ve always known that task was vital. Since last week it hasbecome even more vital than ever. We close our Conference in theaftermath of that sinister Utopia unveiled at Blackpool. LetLabour's Orwellian nightmare of the Left be the spur for us todedicate with a new urgency our every ounce of energy and moralstrength to rebuild the fortunes of this free nation.
我一开始就明白，这任务至关重要；而从上周以来，它变得比任何时候都更为性命攸关。考虑到黑泽乌托邦计划的不祥败露的后果，我们甚至中断了会议。让左派奥威尔式的梦魇作为刺激物，鞭策我们，带着新的紧迫感，贡献我们的全部的精力与道德力量，去重建这个自由国家的命运。
If we were to fail, that freedom could be imperiled.
So let us resist the blandishments of the faint hearts.
Let us ignore the howls and threats of the extremists.
Let us stand together and do our duty.
And we shall not fail.
如果我们失败，自由将处于危机之中。
因而，让我们拒绝怯懦者的哄骗与引诱。
让我们无视极端主义者的嚎叫与威胁。
让我们站在一起，尽我们的职责。
我们不会失败。
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